the canadian dominion-第12部分

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l　as　their　betters　could　rule　them。　Besides；　if　the　people　of　a　colony　did　govern　themselves；　what　would　become　of　the　rights　and　interests　of　the　mother　country？　What　would　become　of　the　Empire　itself？

What　was　the　use　and　object　of　the　Empire？　In　brief；　according　to　the　theory　and　practice　then　in　force；　the　end　of　empire　was　the　profit　which　comes　from　trade；　the　means　was　the　political　subordination　of　the　colonies　to　prevent　interference　with　this　profit；　and　the　debit　entry　set　against　this　profit　was　the　cost　of　the　diplomacy；　the　armaments；　and　the　wars　required　to　hold　the　overseas　possessions　against　other　powers。　The　policy　was　still　that　which　had　been　set　forth　in　the　preamble　of　the　Navigation　Act　of　1663；　ensuring　the　mother　country　the　sole　right　to　sell　European　wares　in　its　colonies：　〃the　maintaining　a　greater　correspondence　and　kindness　between　them　＇the　subjects　at　home　and　those　in　the　plantations＇　and　keeping　them　in　a　firmer　dependence　upon　it　＇the　mother　country＇；　and　rendering　them　yet　more　beneficial　and　advantageous　unto　it　in　the　further　Imployment　and　Encrease　of　English　Shipping　and　Seamen；　and　vent　of　English　Woollen　and　other　Manufactures　and　Commodities　rendering　the　Navigation　to　and　from　the　same　more　safe　and　cheape；　and　makeing　this　Kingdom　a　Staple　not　only　of　the　Commodities　of　those　Plantations　but　also　of　the　Commodities　of　other　countries　and　places　for　the　supplying　of　them；　and　it　being　the　usage　of　other　Nations　to　keep　their　＇plantation＇　Trade　to　themselves。〃　Adam　Smith　had　raised　a　doubt　as　to　the　wisdom　of　the　end。　The　American　Revolution　had　raised　a　doubt　as　to　the　wisdom　of　the　means。　Yet；　with　significant　changes；　the　old　colonial　system　lasted　for　full　two　generations　after　1776。

In　the　second　British　Empire；　which　rose　after　the　loss　of　the　first　in　1783；　the　means　to　the　old　end　were　altered。　To　secure　control　and　to　prevent　disaffection　and　democratic　folly；　the　authorities　relied　not　merely　on　their　own　powers　but　on　the　cooperation　of　friendly　classes　and　interests　in　the　colonies　themselves。　Their　direct　control　was　exercised　in　many　ways。　In　last　reserve　there　was　the　supreme　authority　of　King　and　Parliament　to　bind　the　colonies　by　treaty　and　by　law　and　the　right　to　veto　any　colonial　enactment。　This　was　as　before　the　Revolution。　One　change　lay　in　the　renunciation　in　1778　of　the　intention　to　use　the　supreme　legislative　power　to　levy　taxes；　though　the　right　to　control　the　fiscal　system　of　the　colonies　in　conformity　with　imperial　policy　was　still　claimed　and　practised。　In　fact；　far　from　seeking　to　secure　a　direct　revenue；　the　British　Government　was　more　than　content　to　pay　part　of　the　piper's　fee　for　the　sake　of　being　able　to　call　the　tune。　〃It　is　considered　by　the　Well　wishers　of　Government；〃　wrote　Milnes；　Lieutenant　Governor　of　Lower　Canada；　in　1800；　〃as　a　fortunate　Circumstance　that　the　Revenue　is　not　at　present　equal　to　the　Expenditure。〃　A　further　change　came　in　the　minute　control　exercised　by　the　Colonial　Office；　or　rather　by　the　permanent　clerks　who；　in　Charles　Buller's　phrase；　were　really　〃Mr。　Mother　Country。〃　The　Governor　was　the　local　agent　of　the　Colonial　Office。　He　acted　on　its　instructions　and　was　responsible　to　it；　and　to　it　alone；　for　the　exercise　of　the　wide　administrative　powers　entrusted　to　him。

But　all　these　powers；　it　was　believed；　would　fail　in　their　purpose　if　democracy　were　allowed　to　grow　unchecked　in　the　colonies　themselves。　It　was　an　essential　part　of　the　colonial　policy　of　the　time　to　build　up　conservative　social　forces　among　the　people　and　to　give　a　controlling　voice　in　the　local　administration　to　a　nominated　and　official　class。　It　has　been　seen　that　the　statesmen　of　1791　looked　to　a　nominated　executive　and　legislative　council；　an　hereditary　aristocracy；　and　an　established　church；　to　keep　the　colony　in　hand。　British　legislation　fostered　and　supported　a　ruling　class　in　the　colonies；　and　in　turn　this　class　was　to　support　British　connection　and　British　control。　How　this　policy；　half　avowed　and　half　unconscious；　worked　out　in　each　of　the　provinces　must　now　be　recorded。


In　Upper　Canada　party　struggles　did　not　take　shape　until　well　after　the　War　of　1812。　At　the　founding　of　the　colony　the　people　had　been　very　much　of　one　temper　and　one　condition。　In　time；　however；　divergences　appeared　and　gradually　hardened　into　political　divisions。　A　governing　class；　or　rather　clique；　was　the　first　to　become　differentiated。　Its　emergence　was　slower　than　in　New　Brunswick；　for　instance；　since　Upper　Canada　had　received　few　of　the　Loyalists　who　were　distinguished　by　social　position　or　political　experience。　In　time　a　group　was　formed　by　the　accident　of　occupation；　early　settlement；　residence　in　the　little　town　of　York；　the　capital　after　1794；　the　holding　of　office；　or　by　some　advantage　in　wealth　or　education　or　capacity　which　in　time　became　cumulative。　The　group　came　to　be　known　as　the　Family　Compact。　There　had　been；　in　fact；　no　intermarriage　among　its　members　beyond　what　was　natural　in　a　small　and　isolated　community；　but　the　phrase　had　a　certain　appositeness。　They　were　closely　linked　by　loyalty　to　Church　and　King；　by　enmity　to　republics　and　republicans；　by　the　memory　of　the　sacrifice　and　peril　they　or　their　fathers　had　shared；　and　by　the　conviction　that　the　province　owed　them　the　best　living　it　could　bestow。　This　living　they　succeeded　in　collecting。　〃The　bench；　the　magistracy；　the　high　officials　of　the　established　church；　and　a　great　part　of　the　legal　profession；〃　declared　Lord　Durham　in　1839；　〃are　filled　by　the　adherents　of　this　party；　by　grant　or　purchase　they　have　acquired　nearly　the　whole　of　the　waste　lands　of　the　province；　they　are　all　powerful　in　the　chartered　banks；　and　till　lately　shared　among　themselves　almost　exclusively　all　offices　of　trust　and　profit。〃　Fortunately　the　last　absurdity　of　creating　Dukes　of　Toronto　and　Barons　of　Niagara　Falls　was　never　carried　through；　or　rather　was　postponed　a　full　century；　but　this　touch　was　scarcely　needed　to　give　the　clique　its　cachet。　The　ten…year　governorship　of　Sir　Peregrine　Maitland　（1818…28）；　a　most　punctilious　person；　gave　the　finishing　touches　to　this　backwoods　aristocracy。

The　great　majority　of　the　group；　men　of　the　Scott　and　Boulton；　Sherwood　and　Hagerman　and　Allan　MacNab　types；　had　nothing　but　their　prejudices　to　distinguish　them；　but　two　of　their　number　were　of　outstanding　capacity。　John　Beverley　Robinson；　Attorney　General　from　1819　to　1829　and　thereafter　for　over　thirty　years　Chief　Justice；　was　a　true　aristocrat；　distrustful　of　the　rabble；　but　as　honest　and　highminded　as　he　was　able；　seeking　his　country's　gain；　as　he　saw　it；　not　his　own。　A　more　rugged　and　domineering　character；　equally　certain　of　his　right　to　rule　and　less　squeamish　about　the　means；　was　John　Strachan；　afterwards　Bishop　of　Toronto。　Educated　a　Presbyterian；　he　had　come　to　Canada　from　Aberdeen　as　a　dominie　but　had　remained　as　an　Anglican　clergyman　in　a　capacity　promising　more　advancement。　His　abounding　vigor　and　persistence　soon　made　him　the　dominant　force　in　the　Church；　and　with　a　convert's　zeal　he　labored　to　give　it　exclusive　place　and　power。　The　opposition　to　the　Family　Compact　was　of　a　more　motley　hue；　as　is　the　way　with　oppositions。