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the writings-4-第30部分

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up or down; but he must logically have a choice between a right thing

and a wrong thing。  He contends that whatever community wants slaves

has a right to have them。  So they have; if it is not a wrong。  But

if it is a wrong; he cannot say people have a right to do wrong。  He

says that upon the score of equality slaves should be allowed to go

in a new Territory; like other property。  This is strictly logical if

there is no difference between it and other property。  If it and

other property are equal; this argument is entirely logical。  But if

you insist that one is wrong and the other right; there is no use to

institute a comparison between right and wrong。  You may turn over

everything in the Democratic policy from beginning to end; whether in

the shape it takes on the statute book; in the shape it takes in the

Dred Scott decision; in the shape it takes in conversation; or the

shape it takes in short maxim…like arguments;it everywhere

carefully excludes the idea that there is anything wrong in it。



That is the real issue。  That is the issue that will continue in this

country when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself shall be

silent。  It is the eternal struggle between these two principles

right and wrongthroughout the world。  They are the two principles

that have stood face to face from the beginning of time; and will

ever continue to struggle。  The one is the common right of humanity;

and the other the divine right of kings。  It is the same principle in

whatever shape it develops itself。  It is the same spirit that says;

〃You work and toil and earn bread; and I'll eat it。〃  No matter in

what shape it comes; whether from the mouth of a king who seeks to

bestride the people of his own nation and live by the fruit of their

labor; or from one race of men as an apology for enslaving another

race; it is the same tyrannical principle。  I was glad to express my

gratitude at Quincy; and I re…express it here; to Judge Douglas;

that he looks to no end of the institution of slavery。  That will

help the people to see where the struggle really is。  It will

hereafter place with us all men who really do wish the wrong may have

an end。  And whenever we can get rid of the fog which obscures the

real question; when we can get Judge Douglas and his friends to avow

a policy looking to its perpetuation;we can get out from among that

class of men and bring them to the side of those who treat it as a

wrong。  Then there will soon be an end of it; and that end will be

its 〃ultimate extinction。〃  Whenever the issue can be distinctly

made; and all extraneous matter thrown out so that men can fairly see

the real difference between the parties; this controversy will soon

be settled; and it will be done peaceably too。  There will be no war;

no violence。  It will be placed again where the wisest and best men

of the world placed it。  Brooks of South Carolina once declared that

when this Constitution was framed its framers did not look to the

institution existing until this day。  When he said this; I think he

stated a fact that is fully borne out by the history of the times。

But he also said they were better and wiser men than the men of these

days; yet the men of these days had experience which they had not;

and by the invention of the cotton…gin it became a necessity in this

country that slavery should be perpetual。  I now say that; willingly

or unwillinglypurposely or without purpose; Judge Douglas has been

the most prominent instrument in changing the position of the

institution of slavery;which the fathers of the government expected

to come to an end ere this; and putting it upon Brooks's cotton…gin

basis; placing it where he openly confesses he has no desire there

shall ever be an end of it。



I understand I have ten minutes yet。  I will employ it in saying

something about this argument Judge Douglas uses; while he sustains

the Dred Scott decision; that the people of the Territories can still

somehow exclude slavery。  The first thing I ask attention to is the

fact that Judge Douglas constantly said; before the decision; that

whether they could or not; was a question for the Supreme Court。  But

after the court had made the decision he virtually says it is not a

question for the Supreme Court; but for the people。  And how is it he

tells us they can exclude it?  He says it needs 〃police regulations;〃

and that admits of 〃unfriendly legislation。〃  Although it is a right

established by the Constitution of the United States to take a slave

into a Territory of the United States and hold him as property; yet

unless the Territorial Legislature will give friendly legislation;

and more especially if they adopt unfriendly legislation; they can

practically exclude him。  Now; without meeting this proposition as a

matter of fact; I pass to consider the real constitutional

obligation。  Let me take the gentleman who looks me in the face

before me; and let us suppose that he is a member of the Territorial

Legislature。  The first thing he will do will be to swear that he

will support the Constitution of the United States。  His neighbor by

his side in the Territory has slaves and needs Territorial

legislation to enable him to enjoy that constitutional right。  Can he

withhold the legislation which his neighbor needs for the enjoyment

of a right which is fixed in his favor in the Constitution of the

United States which he has sworn to support?  Can he withhold it

without violating his oath?  And; more especially; can he pass

unfriendly legislation to violate his oath?  Why; this is a monstrous

sort of talk about the Constitution of the United States!  There has

never been as outlandish or lawless a doctrine from the mouth of any

respectable man on earth。  I do not believe it is a constitutional

right to hold slaves in a Territory of the United States。  I believe

the decision was improperly made and I go for reversing it。  Judge

Douglas is furious against those who go for reversing a decision。

But he is for legislating it out of all force while the law itself

stands。  I repeat that there has never been so monstrous a doctrine

uttered from the mouth of a respectable man。



I suppose most of us (I know it of myself) believe that the people of

the Southern States are entitled to a Congressional Fugitive Slave

law;that is a right fixed in the Constitution。  But it cannot be

made available to them without Congressional legislation。  In the

Judge's language; it is a 〃barren right;〃 which needs legislation

before it can become efficient and valuable to the persons to whom it

is guaranteed。  And as the right is constitutional; I agree that the

legislation shall be granted to it; and that not that we like the

institution of slavery。  We profess to have no taste for running and

catching niggers; at least; I profess no taste for that job at all。

Why then do I yield support to a Fugitive Slave law?  Because I do

not understand that the Constitution; which guarantees that
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