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matter　of　absolute　certainty　that　it　is　a　disturbing　element。　　It　is

the　opinion　of　all　the　great　men　who　have　expressed　an　opinion　upon

it；　that　it　is　a　dangerous　element。　　We　keep　up　a　controversy　in

regard　to　it。　　That　controversy　necessarily　springs　from　difference

of　opinion；　and　if　we　can　learn　exactlycan　reduce　to　the　lowest

elementswhat　that　difference　of　opinion　is；　we　perhaps　shall　be

better　prepared　for　discussing　the　different　systems　of　policy　that

we　would　propose　in　regard　to　that　disturbing　element。　　I　suggest

that　the　difference　of　opinion；　reduced　to　its　lowest　of　terms；　is　no

other　than　the　difference　between　the　men　who　think　slavery　a　wrong

and　those　who　do　not　think　it　wrong。　　The　Republican　party　think　it

wrong；　we　think　it　is　a　moral；　a　social；　and　a　political　wrong。　　We

think　it　as　a　wrong　not　confining　itself　merely　to　the　persons　or　the

States　where　it　exists；　but　that　it　is　a　wrong　in　its　tendency；　to

say　the　least；　that　extends　itself　to　the　existence　of　the　whole

nation。　　Because　we　think　it　wrong；　we　propose　a　course　of　policy

that　shall　deal　with　it　as　a　wrong。　　We　deal　with　it　as　with　any

other　wrong；　in　so　far　as　we　can　prevent　its　growing　any　larger；　and

so　deal　with　it　that　in　the　run　of　time　there　may　be　some　promise　of

an　end　to　it。　　We　have　a　due　regard　to　the　actual　presence　of　it

amongst　us；　and　the　difficulties　of　getting　rid　of　it　in　any

satisfactory　way；　and　all　the　constitutional　obligations　thrown　about

it。　　I　suppose　that　in　reference　both　to　its　actual　existence　in　the

nation；　and　to　our　constitutional　obligations；　we　have　no　right　at

all　to　disturb　it　in　the　States　where　it　exists；　and　we　profess　that

we　have　no　more　inclination　to　disturb　it　than　we　have　the　right　to

do　it。　　We　go　further　than　that：　we　don't　propose　to　disturb　it

where；　in　one　instance；　we　think　the　Constitution　would　permit　us。

We　think　the　Constitution　would　permit　us　to　disturb　it　in　the

District　of　Columbia。　　Still；　we　do　not　propose　to　do　that；　unless　it

should　be　in　terms　which　I　don't　suppose　the　nation　is　very　likely

soon　to　agree　to；the　terms　of　making　the　emancipation　gradual；　and

compensating　the　unwilling　owners。　　Where　we　suppose　we　have　the

constitutional　right；　we　restrain　ourselves　in　reference　to　the

actual　existence　of　the　institution　and　the　difficulties　thrown　about

it。　　We　also　oppose　it　as　an　evil　so　far　as　it　seeks　to　spread

itself。　　We　insist　on　the　policy　that　shall　restrict　it　to　its

present　limits。　　We　don't　suppose　that　in　doing　this　we　violate

anything　due　to　the　actual　presence　of　the　institution；　or　anything

due　to　the　constitutional　guaranties　thrown　around　it。



We　oppose　the　Dred　Scott　decision　in　a　certain　way；　upon　which　I

ought　perhaps　to　address　you　a　few　words。　　We　do　not　propose　that

when　Dred　Scott　has　been　decided　to　be　a　slave　by　the　court；　we；　as　a

mob；　will　decide　him　to　be　free。　　We　do　not　propose　that；　when　any

other　one；　or　one　thousand；　shall　be　decided　by　that　court　to　be

slaves；　we　will　in　any　violent　way　disturb　the　rights　of　property

thus　settled；　but　we　nevertheless　do　oppose　that　decision　as　a

political　rule　which　shall　be　binding　on　the　voter　to　vote　for　nobody

who　thinks　it　wrong；　which　shall　be　binding　on　the　members　of

Congress　or　the　President　to　favor　no　measure　that　does　not　actually

concur　with　the　principles　of　that　decision。　　We　do　not　propose　to　be

bound　by　it　as　a　political　rule　in　that　way；　because　we　think　it　lays

the　foundation；　not　merely　of　enlarging　and　spreading　out　what　we

consider　an　evil；　but　it　lays　the　foundation　for　spreading　that　evil

into　the　States　themselves。　　We　propose　so　resisting　it　as　to　have　it

reversed　if　we　can；　and　a　new　judicial　rule　established　upon　this

subject。



I　will　add　this：　that　if　there　be　any　man　who　does　not　believe　that

slavery　is　wrong　in　the　three　aspects　which　I　have　mentioned；　or　in

any　one　of　them；　that　man　is　misplaced；　and　ought　to　leave　us；　while

on　the　other　hand；　if　there　be　any　man　in　the　Republican　party　who　is

impatient　over　the　necessity　springing　from　its　actual　presence；　and

is　impatient　of　the　constitutional　guaranties　thrown　around　it；　and

would　act　in　disregard　of　these；　he　too　is　misplaced；　standing　with

us。　　He　will　find　his　place　somewhere　else；　for　we　have　a　due　regard；

so　far　as　we　are　capable　of　understanding　them；　for　all　these　things。

This；　gentlemen；　as　well　as　I　can　give　it；　is　a　plain　statement　of

our　principles　in　all　their　enormity。

I　will　say　now　that　there　is　a　sentiment　in　the　country　contrary　to

me；a　sentiment　which　holds　that　slavery　is　not　wrong；　and　therefore

it　goes　for　the　policy　that　does　not　propose　dealing　with　it　as　a

wrong。　　That　policy　is　the　Democratic　policy；　and　that　sentiment　is

the　Democratic　sentiment。　　If　there　be　a　doubt　in　the　mind　of　any　one

of　this　vast　audience　that　this　is　really　the　central　idea　of　the

Democratic　party　in　relation　to　this　subject；　I　ask　him　to　bear　with

me　while　I　state　a　few　things　tending；　as　I　think；　to　prove　that

proposition。　　In　the　first　place；　the　leading　manI　think　I　may　do

my　friend　Judge　Douglas　the　honor　of　calling　him　such　advocating　the

present　Democratic　policy　never　himself　says　it　is　wrong。　　He　has　the

high　distinction；　so　far　as　I　know；　of　never　having　said　slavery　is

either　right　or　wrong。　　Almost　everybody　else　says　one　or　the　other；

but　the　Judge　never　does。　　If　there　be　a　man　in　the　Democratic　party

who　thinks　it　is　wrong；　and　yet　clings　to　that　party；　I　suggest　to

him；　in　the　first　place；　that　his　leader　don't　talk　as　he　does；　for

he　never　says　that　it　is　wrong。　　In　the　second　place；　I　suggest　to

him　that　if　he　will　examine　the　policy　proposed　to　be　carried

forward；　he　will　find　that　he　carefully　excludes　the　idea　that　there

is　anything　wrong　in　it。　　If　you　will　examine　the　arguments　that　are

made　on　it；　you　will　find　that　every　one　carefully　excludes　the　idea

that　there　is　anything　wrong　in　slavery。　　Perhaps　that　Democrat　who

says　he　is　as　much　opposed　to　slavery　as　I　am　will　tell　me　that　I　am

wrong　about　this。　　I　wish　him　to　examine　his　own　course　in　regard　to

this　matter　a　moment；　and　then　see　if　his　opinion　will　not　be　changed

a　little。　　You　say　it　is　wrong；　but　don't　you　constantly　object　to

anybody　else　saying　so？　　Do　you　not　constantly　argue　that　this　is　not

the　right　place　to　oppose　it？　　You　say　it　must　not　be　opposed　in　the

free　States；　because　slavery　is　not　here；　it　must　not　be　opposed　in

the　slave　States；　because　it　is　there；　it　must　not　be　opposed　in

politics；　because　that　will　make　a　fuss；　it　must　not　be　opposed　in

the　pulpit；　because　it　is　not　religion。　　Then　where　is　the　place　to

oppose　it？　　There　is　no　suitable　place　to　oppose　it。　　There　is　no

place　in　the　country　to　oppose　this　evil　overspreading　the　continent；

which　you　say　yourself　is　coming。　　Frank　Blair　and　Gratz　Brown　tried

to　get　up　a　system　of　gradual　emancipation　in　Missouri；　had　an

election　in　August；　and　got　beat；　and　you；