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a tailor who wants to make his own boots; and to a bootmaker who



would impose a toll on those who enter his door; in order to



promote his prosperity。 As in all errors of the popular school; so



also in this one does Thomas Cooper go to extremes in his book(2*)



which is directed against the American system of protection。



'Political economy;' he alleges; 'is almost synonymous with the



private economy of all individuals; politics are no essential



ingredient of political economy; it is folly to suppose that the



community is something quite different from the individuals of whom



it is composed。 Every individual knows best how to invest his



labour and his capital。 The wealth of the community is nothing else



than the aggregate of the wealth of all its individual members; and



if every individual can provide best for himself; that nation must



be the richest in which every individual is most left to himself。'



The adherents of the American system of protection had opposed



themselves to this argument; which had formerly been adduced by



importing merchants in favour of free trade; the American



navigation laws had greatly increased the carrying trade; the



foreign commerce; and fisheries of the United States; and for the



mere protection of their mercantile marine millions had been



annually expended on their fleet; according to his theory those



laws and this expense also would be as reprehensible as protective



duties。 ' In any case;' exclaims Mr Cooper; 'no commerce by sea is



worth a naval war; the merchants may be left to protect



themselves。'



    Thus the popular school; which had begun by ignoring the



principles of nationality and national interests; finally comes to



the point of altogether denying their existence; and of leaving



individuals to defend them as they may solely by their own



individual powers。



    How? Is the wisdom of private economy; also wisdom in national



economy? Is it in the nature of individuals to take into



consideration the wants of future centuries; as those concern the



nature of the nation and the State? Let us consider only the first



beginning of an American town; every individual left to himself



would care merely for his own wants; or at the most for those of



his nearest successors; whereas all individuals united in one



community provide for the convenience and the wants of the most



distant generations; they subject the present generation for this



object to privations and sacrifices which no reasonable person



could expect from individuals。 Can the individual further take into



consideration in promoting his private economy; the defence of the



country; public security and the thousand other objects which can



only be attained by the aid of the whole community? Does not the



State require individuals to limit their private liberty according



to what these objects require? Does it not even require that they



should sacrifice for these some part of their earnings; of their



mental and bodily labour; nay; even their own life? We must first



root out; as Cooper does; the very ideas of 'State' and 'nation'



before this opinion can be entertained。



    No; that may be wisdom in national economy which would be folly



in private economy; and vice vers猓弧nd owing to the very simple



reason; that a tailor is no nation and a nation no tailor; that one



family is something very different from a community of millions of



families; that one house is something very different from a large



national territory。 Nor does the individual merely by understanding



his own interests best; and by striving to further them; if left to



his own devices; always further the interests of the community。 We



ask those who occupy the benches of justice; whether they do not



frequently have to send individuals to the tread…mill on account of



their excess of inventive power; and of their all too great



industry。 Robbers; thieves; smugglers; and cheats know their own



local and personal circumstances and conditions extremely well; and



pay the most active attention to their business; but it by no means



follows therefrom; that society is in the best condition where such



individuals are least restrained in the exercise of their private



industry。



    In a thousand cases the power of the State is compelled to



impose restrictions on private industry。 It prevents the shipowner



from taking on board slaves on the west coast of Africa; and taking



them over to America。 It imposes regulations as to the building of



steamers and the rules of navigation at sea; in order that



passengers and sailors may not be sacrificed to the avarice and



caprice of the captains。 In England certain rules have recently



been enacted with regard to shipbuilding; because an infernal union



between assurance companies and shipowners has been brought to



light; whereby yearly thousands of human lives and millions in



value were sacrificed to the avarice of a few persons。 In North



America millers are bound under a penalty to pack into each cask



not less than 198 lbs。 of good flour; and for all market goods



market inspectors are appointed; although in no other country is



individual liberty more highly prized。 Everywhere does the State



consider it to be its duty to guard the public against danger and



loss; as in the sale of necessaries of life; so also in the sale of



medicines; &c。



    But the cases which we have mentioned (the school will reply)



concern unlawful damages to property and to the person; not the



honourable exchange of useful objects; not the harmless and useful



industry of private individuals; to impose restrictions on these



latter the State has no right whatever。 Of course not; so long as



they remain harmless and useful; that which; however; is harmless



and useful in itself; in general commerce with the world; can



become dangerous and injurious in national internal commerce; and



vice vers狻!n time of peace; and considered from a cosmopolitan



point of view; privateering is an injurious profession; in time of



war; Governments favour it。 The deliberate killing of a human being



is a crime in time of peace; in war it becomes a duty。 Trading in



gunpowder; lead; and arms in time of peace is allowed; but whoever



provides the enemy with them in time of war; is punished as a



traitor。



    For similar reasons the State is not merely justified in



imposing; but bound to impose; certain regulations and restrictions



on commerce (which is in itself harmless) for the best interests of



the nation。 By prohibitions and protective duties it does not give



directions to individuals how to employ their product
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